The cost of the AV referendum

In May 2011 the United Kingdom held a referendum on changing the national voting system from 'first past the post' to AV (Alternative Vote).

 

The demand for AV came from Nick Clegg and the Liberal Democrats while the Conservatives backed keeping the current system and Labour was split on the issue.

 

In the end voters decisively rejected the Liberal Democrat proposal to introduce the AV system.  More than 19 million voters turned out for the referendum, which was a 42% turnout, with 6,152,607 voters backing the proposal and 13,013,123 rejecting it.

 

Afterwards Nick Clegg said, 'I wish I could say this is a photo finish but it isn't and the result is very clear. This is a bitter blow for all those people like me who believe in the need for political reform.'

Recently the Electoral Commission announced that the referendum had cost £75 million.  This was lower than the estimate of £100 million which was often quoted diring the referendum campaign but £75 million is still a very large figure.  Jenny Watson, who chairs the Electoral Commission, said, 'The public have a right to know how their money is spent at major polls and we've been able to set this out for the first time today.'

With the Conservatives against AV, the Labour Party divided and only the Liberal Democrats supporting it, the outcome was fairly predictable but in order to placate the Lib Dems the Coalition government squandered £75 million that would have been much better spent on public services.

Shall we gather at the river?

This afternoon I watched The Searchers, an American western film made in 1956 by John Ford.  It was based on a 1954 novel by Alan Le May and was set during the Texas-Indian Wars, a series of conflicts between the settlers in Texas and the Southern Plains Indians which lasted from 1820 to 1875.

 

The film starts in 1868 with Ethan Edwards, played by John Wayne, returning from the Civil War and extends over a period of several years.

 

Early in the film there was a funeral scene in which the mourners sang the hymn Shall we gather at the river?  The hymn was sung again later in the film during a wedding.

 

I wondered if this was an anachronism but in fact the hymn was written in 1864 and first appeared in a hymnbook the following year, 1865, several years before the scenes depicted in the film.

 

Robert Lowry

The author of the hymn was Robert Lowry (1826-1899), a Baptist pastor who was born in Philadelphia., and he later recalled: 'One af­ter­noon in Ju­ly, 1864, when I was pas­tor at Han­son Place Bap­tist Church, Brook­lyn, the wea­ther was op­press­ive­ly hot, and I was ly­ing on a lounge in a state of phys­ic­al ex­haust­ion…My imag­in­a­tion be­gan to take it­self wings. Vi­sions of the fu­ture passed be­fore me with start­ling vi­vid­ness. The im­ag­ery of the apoc­a­lypse took the form of a ta­bleau. Bright­est of all were the throne, the heav­en­ly ri­ver, and the ga­ther­ing of the saints…I be­gan to won­der why the hymn writ­ers had said so much about the “riv­er of death” and so lit­tle about the “pure wa­ter of life, clear as crys­tal, pro­ceed­ing out of the throne of God and the Lamb.” As I mused, the words be­gan to con­struct them­selves. They came first as a quest­ion of Christ­ian in­quiry, “Shall we ga­ther?” Then they broke in chor­us, “Yes, we’ll ga­ther.” On this quest­ion and an­swer the hymn de­vel­oped it­self. The mu­sic came with the hymn.'

Lowry wrote around five hundred gospel hymns including such great hymns as Low in the grave He lay and Nothing but the blood.

 

Yet he once wrote, 'Music, with me has been a side issue... I would rather preach a gospel sermon to an appreciative audience than write a hymn. I have always looked upon myself as a preacher and felt a sort of depreciation when I began to be known more as a composer.'  However it is as a hymnwriter that he is remembered and he wrote several of the most popular hymns of all time.

 

The hymns written by these great hymnwriters are an important aspect of Ulster-Scots culture and particularly the culture of the Ulster-Scots diaspora.

 

Lowry was a Scotch-Irish American and the son of an Ulster-Scot from county Down.  He was one of a number of Scotch-Irish hymnwriters who made a major contribution to gospel hymnody.

Shall we gather at the river,
Where bright angel feet have trod,
With its crystal tide forever
Flowing by the throne of God?

Refrain

Yes, we’ll gather at the river,
The beautiful, the beautiful river;
Gather with the saints at the river
That flows by the throne of God.

On the margin of the river,
Washing up its silver spray,
We will talk and worship ever,
All the happy golden day.

Refrain

 

Ere we reach the shining river,
Lay we every burden down;
Grace our spirits will deliver,
And provide a robe and crown.

Refrain

 

At the smiling of the river,
Mirror of the Savior’s face,
Saints, whom death will never sever,
Lift their songs of saving grace.

Refrain

 

Soon we’ll reach the silver river,
Soon our pilgrimage will cease;
Soon our happy hearts will quiver
With the melody of peace.

Refrain

Mary Ann McCracken and the Union

Many of the Ulstermen who fought in the ranks of the United Irishmen in 1798 came to accept and indeed approve of the Act of Union.  A small minority of them did not become unionists but the vast majority of them did.

Those who died in 1798, such as Henry Joy McCracken, went to their graves before there was an Act of Union and so we cannot know what their views would have been had they survived.

However I was interested to read the following quotation which I came across in old newspaper cutting.  It is taken from a letter in the Irish News (29 October 2008) and includes an extract fom a letter written by Mary Ann McCracken (1770-1866), sister of Henry Joy McCracken:

While I'm not qualified to ascertain what the leaders of the 1798 rebellion may have thought of the Act of Union, I think Mary Ann McCracken, sister of Henry Joy McCracken, may have been.  A letter from Mary Ann McCracken is quoted in her biography.  It states: '... in thinking of those who were gone, and how delighted they would have been at the political changes that have taken place...'

I do not know the date of the letter or the precise significance of this short extract but it does raise interesting possibilities and I intend to check it out.

Later in the letter to the Irish News the contributor noted that the 1798 rebellion in Ulster was very different from that in the rest of Ireland.

 

As for me separating the 1798 rebellion in Ulster from the rest of Ireland I stand guilty.  From the historical evidence it is veryclear the rebellion in Ulster was of a totally different character, particularly in sectarian terms, from that in the rest of Ireland.  So in that sense, it was a different separate rebellion.

In conclusion, and returning to the key point of my original letter, unionists, particularly Presbyterian unionists, have as much right to claim a heritage from the Ulster 1798 rebels - they have more right than the sectarian republicans of the 21st century.

In terms of denominational ties, heritage and ethnicity the unionist Presbyterians of [today] are the children of the Ulster rebels of 1798 and this is something to be cherished and promoted.

 

I find this interesting in the context of Clifton Street cemetery, which holds the grave of Mary Ann McCracken and possibly the remains of Henry Joy McCracken, as well as the grave of Dr William Drennan.  A few years ago dissident republicans, led by the Henry Joy McCracken Republican Flute Band held a commemoration in Clifton Street.  Subsequently I pointed out that Drennan had turned his back on republicanism and become a unionist.  At their next commemoration they dropped Drennan, who was obviously now an embarassment, and commemorated McCracken, gathering at the grave of Mary Ann McCracken.

 

However it is just possible that their claim on the McCrackens may not be such a solid claim as they imagine!

Winter fuel payments

Older preople across Northern Ireland should make sure that they claim for the winter fuel payments to which they are entitled.

 

More than £50 million has been issued in payments to some 300,000 people across Northern Ireland but older people risk missing out on the payment unless they submit a claim.

 

Winter feul payments are issued annually to older people to help with heating bills and most households with someone born on or before 5 July 1951 are eligible for £200 towards their winter fuel bills.  Households with some aged 80 and over receive £300.

 

Some older people may be experiencing difficulty in meeting household bills and this payment will make a considerable difference in times when fuel costs are high.

 

I would encourage all those who think they may qualify for the payment and have not yet done so to contact the winter fuel payment helpline on 0845 9151 515 to check if they can claim.

 

New claimants, who have not yet claimed, can still download a form online at http://www.nidirect.gov.uk/winter-fuel-payment-claim-form.pdf or call the helpline on 0845 9151 515 (0845 601 5613 for textphone users.

 

Claims must be received no later than 31 March 2013.

 

If you are an older person who has not received your payment please make use of the helpline and likewise if you know any older people who have not received the payment, remind them of the helpline.

NICCY and the Raymond McCreesh Park

The Northern Ireland Commissioner for Children and Young People, Patricia Lewsley-Mooney, has called for parents to keep their children away from disturbances linked to the ongoing protests about the removal of the Union flag from Belfast City Hall.

 

Her call came after several children were arrested during violence on Monday evening and she said she was concerned that children were being exposed to serious harm.  She added, 'I call today on every parent and every responsible adult to make sure our children and young people are safe.'

 

Patricia also spoke about the positive influence that adults can have on children and young people and the need for positive influences.

 

However, when it comes to the naming of a children's playground in Newry after an IRA gunman, Patricia has been rather less forthright.  Indeed she has been downright evasive.

 

According to the Irish News (20 December) the children's commissioner said that as she had 'not received a complaint directly from a child or young person or their parent or guardian against Mourne and Newry (sic) Council, I do not have remit to investigate a complaint in relation to this issue.'

 

I am unaware of her receiving a complaint from a child or a parent in relation to the recent trouble but that did not prevent her commenting on the issue and issuing a call to parents.  There is absolutely no reason why she cannot comment on the naming of the playground after an Irish republican terrorist!  She has simply chosen to remain silent.

 

She then attempted to justify her silence by saying, 'I note that the Equality Commission is investigating this matter and I await the outcome of this before considering any further action.  My powers allow me to take forward investigations or complaints.  However I am not able to do so while another body is investigating the matter.'

 

That excuse does not stand up to scrutiny.  There is no need for an investigation or a complaint and no need for any delay.  All that is required is that Patricia Lewsley-Mooney state that to name a children's playground after an IRA terorist is to provide a 'negative influence' and a bad example for children.  She has spoken about 'positive influences' and the value of these.  On the other hand there are 'negative influences' that are detrimental to children and surely an IRA terrorist is a 'negative influence'.

 

I knew Patricia Lewsley-Mooney well when she was an SDLP councillor in Belfast and she was never backward in speaking her mind.  Her silence on a matter which clearly relates to the welfare and wellbeing of children is therefore especially disappointing and damages the credibility of her office.

 

 

The Ulster-Scots who founded the shirt-making industry in Londonderry

Shirt factory at Rosemount

Earlier this week the Derry News (17 December) carried a report on a proposed sculpture to honour the people who worked in the shirt factories in Londonderry.  At one time there was a thriving shirt-making industry in the city and the newspaper noted the following about it:

Derry's association with the shirt-making industry stretches back to the 1850s.

The invention of the sewing maching in 1853 and the arrival of several Scottish businessmen ensured that, within ten years, the shirt industry in Derry was a factory-based one.

Shirt-making in Derry reached its peak in the 1920s when a large number of shirt factories employed around 18,000 people.

The vast majority of these workers were women and many generations of Derry families spent their working lives on the shirt factories.

At one stage, Derry was the principal seat of the shirt inudstry in the UK, and the city became not only the shirt supplier of the UK but also of Europe and the British colonies.

However in recent decades almost all the factories were closed as production was moved to countries with cheaper labour forces.

Some of the physical reminders of Derry's shirt-making history also disappeared in recent years with the demolitions of the former Tillie & Hendersons and Hamilton's factories  at the city side end of the Craigavon Bridge.

The report identified the founders and owners of these factories as 'several Scottish businessmen' and indeed their story is part of the story of the Ulster-Scots.  In Londonderry and in Belfast many of the founders of the great industries of the past came across from Scotland.  They brought finance and entrepreneurial spirit and helped to shape modern Ulster.

I  hope that during the forthcoming year, when Londonderry becomes the first United Kingdom City of Culture, that this part of the city's history will be properly recognised and explored, including that Ulster-Scots dimension.

 

Something for a Fianna Fail politician to do

Eamon O'Cuiv, the Fianna Fail TD for Galway West and a former Fianna Fail government minister, met last week in Dublin with the parents of two men convicted of the murder of the murder of PSNI officer Stephen Carroll in March 2009.

The two men, Brendan McConville and John Paul Wootton, were convicted of taking part in the Continuity IRA sniper attack in which the police officer was shot dead.  McConville was sentenced to a minimum of 25 years and Wootton to a minimum of 14 years.

McConville and Wootton are appealing their convictions and at the meeting with their parents O'Cuiv said that he would attend their appeal as an observer.  'As I did before with other cases it is my intention to attend the appeal hearing as an observer.'

The murder of Stephen Carroll took place in Northern Ireland, the trial was held in a Northern Ireland court and those who were convicted are from Northern Ireland.  He is a politician in the Irish Republic, not Northern Ireland, and would be better to focus on issues in his own country. 

Moreover, if he wants something to take an interest in, perhaps I could suggest the role of certain Fianna Fail politicians in the formation and arming of the Provisional IRA in 1969.  O'Cuiv is a leading figure in Fianna Fail and indeed at one time time he was deputy leader of the party.  He would therefore be well placed to demand a full investigation into what members of his own party were up to at that time.

 

The Arms Trial in Dublin was a farce and the truth has yet to be told.  So if Eamon O'Cuiv is interested in truth, there is a good place to start.